the source of the subject's name. Mr. Littman further indicated that the subject resided at an unspecified address in Canada and had been the object of an extradition request by the government of an Eastern European country. No particulars of this alleged extradition request were provided. ... The Commission confirmed that an extradition request had not been received by the Canadian government and that the Berlin Document Center had no record on the subject. CASE NO. 121. This individual was brought to the attention of the Commission by the RCMP, whose source of information was the Department of the Solicitor General which, in turn, had received the information from a private citizen. It was alleged that this individual may have been a doctor who experimented on concentration camp prisoners. ... The interview established that the complainant was not in a position to place the subject in a Nazi war camp nor was she in possession of names of witnesses able to connect the subject with wartime criminal activities. ... [T]he subject would have been only 15 to 20 years old during the war, hardly an age to have the position suggested above. CASE NO. 122. This individual was brought to the attention of the Commission by an anonymous note. The only allegation initially made was that the subject was a war criminal and was living at a certain address in Canada. ... [T]he evidence ... indicates the individual has lived all his life in Canada and was drafted into the Canadian army for a short time in 1942. CASE NO. 133. This individual was brought to the attention of the Commission by the RCMP, whose source of information was Mr. Sol Littman. It was alleged that the subject under investigation had been a member of the SS. ... These investigations revealed that the subject was born in 1933 and would therefore have been between 6 and 12 years of age during the war. CASE NO. 156. This individual was brought to the attention of the Commission by Mr. Sol Littman. Mr. Littman alleged only that the subject had been a "propagandist for the party." When contacted by the Commission, Mr. Littman indicated that he had no further evidence or information. ... On the basis of the foregoing [itemized investigation], no evidence of participation in or knowledge of specific war crimes is available. CASE NO. 158. This individual was brought to the attention of the Commission by a private citizen. The only allegation initially made was that the subject was a war criminal because he was so wealthy and of German background. ... The Commission was advised [by several German sources] that it had a record of the subject which indicated his membership in the Luftwaffe (air force). CASE NO. 171. This individual was brought to the attention of the Commission by ... the Jewish Documentation Centre in Vienna. ... According to the year of birth, this person would have been only five or six years old at the end of World War II. CASE NO. 179. This individual was brought to the attention of the Commission by an anonymous letter. The allegation initially made was that the subject was the owner of a shop who behaved curiously regarding the sources of the store's goods. ... The subject is the spouse of the individual who is reported in Case No. 180. Both were denounced in the same anonymous letter. ... The Commission checked the shop itself and concluded that the complaint is entirely spurious and unfounded. CASE NO. 180. This individual was brought to the attention of the Commission by an anonymous letter. The only allegation initially made was that the subject was the owner of a shop who behaved curiously regarding the sources of the store's goods. ... The Commission also checked the shop itself and concluded that the complaint is entirely spurious and unfounded. CASE NO. 190. This family's surname was brought to the attention of the Commission by Mr. David Matas [chairman of the Jewish National Legal Committee], whose source of information was an anonymous letter claiming the family came from a foreign country and deserved investigation because they were "recluses." There was no specific allegation of involvement in war crimes made against this family. CASE NO. 202. This individual was brought to the attention of the Commission by the Canadian Jewish Congress, whose source of information was a private citizen. There was no specific allegation of involvement in war crimes made against this individual, and the information received was irrational. ... The Commission contacted the wife of the subject, who stated that she did not know the citizen (who made the allegation) and that her husband never had any business dealings with a person by that name. The Commission also tried to locate the complainant but to no avail. CASE NO. 247. This individual was brought to the attention of the Commission by the Canadian Jewish Congress, whose source of information was a private citizen. There was no specific allegation of involvement in war crimes made against the individual. ... The Commission was advised by the German Military Service Office ... that it had a record of a person with the same name as the subject, which indicated that he was a pilot in the Allied Air Force and had been taken prisoner by the Germans. CASE NO. 269. This individual was brought to the attention of the Commission by the Canadian Jewish Congress, whose source of information was a private citizen. It was alleged that this individual is a physician whose physical description resembles that of the notorious war criminal Dr. Mengele. ... Personal data of the subject taken from various documentation reveal the following in comparison with the information contained in the Commission file with respect to Dr. Mengele: Year of Birth Height Weight Eyes Face Chin Subject 1913 6'3"+ 195-215 lbs Blue Oval (from Photo) - Dr. Mengele 1911 5'8"+ Medium build Brown Round Round In addition, the picture of the subject appearing in the various documents received, does not suggest that he resembles Dr. Mengele. All other search responses were negative. CASE NO. 431. This individual was brought to the attention of the Commission by the RCMP, whose source of information was Mr. Sol Littman. Mr. Littman had forwarded a letter to the RCMP from a private individual. It was alleged in the letter that the subject under investigation had been in charge of an unnamed camp and was believed to have shot civilians. ... The Commission interviewed the individual who submitted the subject's name to Mr. Littman and was advised that this individual had subsequently determined that the subject under investigation had been a prisoner of war and further that the complaint was unfounded. CASE NO. 433. This individual was brought to the attention of the Commission by the RCMP, whose source of information was an anonymous informant. The only allegation made was that the subject was "a possible German involved in war crimes". No specific allegation or evidence against the subject was provided. ... The Commission reviewed material available from the RCMP and CSIS, which determined that the subject was born in 1933, and for that reason could not have been involved in the commission of war crimes between 1939 and 1945. CASE NO. 526. This individual was brought to the attention of the Commission by the Canadian Jewish Congress, whose source of information was a private individual. It was alleged that the subject under investigation might be Dr. Josef Mengele. ... The Department of External Affairs reported that it had a record in respect of the individual, but that the individual had been born in 1928 in Canada.... ... Furthermore, the subject's name is not one of the aliases used from time to time by Josef Mengele. CASE NO. 561. This individual was brought to the attention of the Commission by the RCMP, whose source of information was the Canadian Jewish Congress. It was alleged that the subject was responsible for the deaths of "hundreds of Jews." No specific evidence of the alleged war crimes was provided. ... Records of the Department of Employment and Immigration ... indicate that the subject was born in 1941.... CASE NO. 588.1. This individual was brought to the attention of the Commission by the RCMP, who were investigating the suspicions of the Department of Employment and Immigration officials that the individual might be older than he claims and might be hiding a questionable past, which may have involved the Nazi Party. ... It was verified [through various investigations] that the subject is indeed who he claims to be and that he was indeed born in 1929. He was barely 10 years old at the start of the war. Sol Littman's Mengele Scare As another piece of evidence that we are in the midst of a witch hunt - a witch hunt in which Simon Wiesenthal plays the role of chief inquisitor - consider Sol Littman's Mengele Scare. On December 20, 1984, Mr. Littman - Canadian representative of the Simon Wiesenthal Center - wrote to the Prime Minister of Canada unequivocally affirming that Mengele, employing the alias of Dr. Joseph Menke, applied to the Canadian embassy in Buenos Aires for admission to Canada as a landed immigrant in late May or early June, 1962. (In Jules Deschenes, Commission of Inquiry on War Criminals, 1986, p. 67) Then on January 23, 1985, Ralph Blumenthal wrote an article in the New York Times captioned "Records indicate Mengele sought Canadian visa": Other records indicate that Mengele applied to the Canadian Embassy in Buenos Aires for a Canadian visa in 1962 under a pseudonym and that the Canadians informed American intelligence officials of this attempt. This information was widely reprinted and broadcast. Subsequently, both Mr. Blumenthal and Mr. Littman affirmed that the information in this article concerning Josef Mengele came solely from Mr. Littman. However, following its thorough investigation, the Commission concluded: There is no documentary evidence whatsoever of an attempt by Dr. Joseph Mengele to seek admission to Canada from Buenos Aires in 1962. The affirmation has come from Mr. Sol Littman, and from him alone. ... The advice which Littman solicited [in the course of his own research] ... did not support his assumptions, but put him on notice about their fragility. As stated at the outset, all that Littman could rely on was "speculation, impression, possibility, hypothesis". Yet he chose to transmute them into statements of facts which he publicized.... This is a case where not a shred of evidence has been tendered to support Mr. Littman's statement to the Prime Minister of Canada on 20 December 1984, or Mr. Ralph Blumenthal's article in the New York Times on 23 January 1985. (Jules Deschenes, Commission of Inquiry on War Criminals, 1986, p. 70) In view of Sol Littman's irresponsibility in engineering the Mengele Scare, it is not a little ironic to note that it was this very scare which was the prime cause of the Canadian government constituting the Jules Deschenes Commission of Inquiry on War Criminals. We see this demonstrated when the reasons for the Commission being constituted are laid out, and Sol Littman's Mengele disinformation - at the time accepted as information - appears at the top of the list: WHEREAS concern has been expressed about the possibility that Joseph Mengele, an alleged Nazi war criminal, may have entered or attempted to enter Canada.... (Jules Deschenes, Commission of Inquiry on War Criminals, 1986, p. 17) What we see in Sol Littman, then, is a case somewhat paralleling that of Morley Safer - a single Jew creates a story out of thin air, and gets it disseminated to tens of millions of people through a Jewish-controlled media which conveniently neglects to verify it prior to publication. In Littman's case, he goes well beyond dissemination - he further succeeds in pressuring the Canadian government to waste taxpayer money (always in short supply for education and health care) on a costly inquiry which turns up just about nothing, and whose only appreciable benefit is not to the Canadian people, and not even to Jews collectively, but only to Sol Littman personally - which benefit is the stirring up of Jewish anxiety on the one hand together with anti-Jewish resentment on the other, both of which are necessary to increasing the flow of Jewish contributions into Sol Littman's coffers. Sol Littman, in short, is a parasite upon the Jewish people, preying on the fears of the more gullible of them, essentially playing a role not unlike that of Stephen King in which the bigger a scare he is able to elicit out of his audience by means of the fantastic stories he is able to concoct, the greater is his success. Repeating the same principle in different words, we may say that the more anti-Semitism Sol Littman is able to provoke, the greater is his success. How does Sol Littman come to be in the vanguard of the fight to suppress hate on the Internet? Consider the information on Sol Littman which can be found on The Ukrainian Archive: (1) Reviewing the sampling higher above of irresponsible denunciations submitted to the Deschenes Commission, we note that four of them were submitted by Sol Littman, suggesting that in the full list of denunciations, his contribution would have been substantial. (2) The Sol Littman Mengele scare immediately above. (3) My 27May98 letter to Demjanjuk persecutor Neal Sher, in which I present data supporting the conclusion that Neal Sher and Sol Littman are members of a subculture who lie not only to those who are not members of their subculture, but to each other as well, thus steeping themselves in untruths. Still more information is available on a web site unconnected to UKAR devoted exclusively to exposing Sol Littman. Given the present UKAR disclosure of Sol Littman's irresponsibility, and given the similar disclosure on other sites on the Internet, as the one cited above, it is little wonder that Sol Littman is today a leading exponent for society bestowing upon him (and others like him) the power to suppress information on the Internet when he decides (or they decide) that it expresses "hate." Perhaps a suspicion that it would be healthy to occasionally entertain is that those who call loudest for the suppression of information may be those with the most to hide. Salem's Was Not the Last Witch Hunt Surely the above data convinces us that many of the horrors that we all despise - that even Mr. Safer might profess to despise - are being realized as contemporary actualities. Slanderous and unfounded allegations. Anonymous letters of accusation. Government agencies investigating people for no other reason than that someone has submitted their names. McCarthyism. A witch hunt. Individuals accused of having committed war crimes while they were still in diapers. And instead of standing back from this mass hysteria or exposing it, 60 Minutes has chosen instead to play a contributory role. The Deschenes Commission cites 31 newspaper accounts between 1971 and 1986 of Nazi war criminals residing in Canada, and points out that this list is not exhaustive. Decades of coverage of such sensational accusations leaves a permanent impression on the minds of the public, while the Deschenes Commission refutation takes place only once, and does not carry the same lurid appeal. The net effect is a propaganda victory for the false accusers. 60 Minutes is making its contribution to this phenomenon - its false accusations in "The Ugly Face of Freedom" were long and sensational and will be remembered by many, its retraction will be short and dull and will be remembered by few. 60 Minutes hands Ukrainophobes another victory. Letters to Simon Wiesenthal I have written a number of letters to Simon Wiesenthal asking for his clarification on the issues raised above, and on other issues relating to his credibility and to his calumniation of Ukraine. These letters can be found by clicking the above link. Other material relating to Simon Wiesenthal can be found scattered throughout the UKAR site, and can be located using the Internal Search Engine whose link can be found on the Home Page. One item particularly worth mentioning might be my sixth letter to Michael Jordan, Chairman of Westinghouse. Following examination of any of these materials, clicking BACK on your browser will return you to this location (if your browsing trail has not been too long). CONTENTS: Preface The Galicia Division Quality of Translation Ukrainian Homogeneity Were Ukrainians Nazis? Simon Wiesenthal What Happened in Lviv? Nazi Propaganda Film Collective Guilt Paralysis of the Comparative Function 60 Minutes' Cheap Shots Ukrainian Anti-Semitism Jewish Ukrainophobia Mailbag A Sense of Responsibility What 60 Minutes Should Do PostScript What Happened in Lviv? According to Simon Wiesenthal on the 60 Minutes broadcast, in three days following the evacuation of the Communist forces and before the arrival of the German troops, Ukrainian police killed between five and six thousand Jews: SAFER: He [Simon Wiesenthal] remembers that even before the Germans arrived, Ukrainian police went on a 3-day killing spree. WIESENTHAL: And in this 3 days in Lvov alone between 5 and 6 thousand Jews was killed. ... SAFER: But even before the Germans entered Lvov, the Ukrainian militia, the police, killed 3,000 people in 2 days here. Some 60 Minutes viewers may have been struck by the curious observation that while the 60 Minutes expert witness - Simon Wiesenthal - claimed that the number of Jews killed was "between 5 and 6 thousand," in three days, the interviewer - Morley Safer - chose to reduce that number killed to "3,000" and the duration of the killing to two days - but without informing the viewer on what grounds he did so. Let us begin our examination of this claim by reviewing the historical context. Historical Context of the Lviv Pogrom Eight Years Previously. Although Western Ukraine was spared the induced famine of 1932-1933 in which some six million Ukrainians perished, Western Ukrainians were nevertheless aware of the famine in adjacent Soviet Ukraine and aware that it was administered at the top by Lazar Kaganovich, a Jew, and was supported at the bottom by cadres, many said to be Jewish, who moved from village to village confiscating grain and livestock. During the previous 21 months. Western Ukraine was annexed by Soviet forces in 1939 for a period of 21 months until the Germans arrived in 1941. What was the experience of Western Ukrainians under Russian communism? It was traumatic. On top of suppression of culture and confiscation of property, there was terror: The most widespread and feared measure was deportation. Without warning, without trial, even without formal accusation, thousands of alleged "enemies of the people" were arrested, packed into cattle cars, and shipped to Siberia and Kazakhstan to work as slave laborers under horrible conditions. Many of these deportees, including entire families, perished. ... According to Metropolitan Andrei Sheptytsky, the Soviets deported about 400,000 Ukrainians from Galicia alone. ... West Ukrainians found their first exposure to the Soviet system to be a generally negative experience and many concluded that "Bolshevik" rule had to be avoided at all costs. (Orest Subtelny, Ukraine: A History, 1994, pp. 456-457) Vasyl Hryshko (Experience with Russia, 1956, p. 117) puts the number killed or deported in Western Ukraine during the Soviet occupation at 750,000. It was commonly perceived by Ukrainians that Jews were disproportionately represented among the Communists inflicting this suffering upon Ukraine. During the preceding few days. As the Soviets retreated, the NKVD - perceived by Ukrainians to be manned disproportionately by Jews - went on a killing spree. Concerning this event, there seems to be widespread agreement. Particularly relevant to our discussion, is that even Simon Wiesenthal can be found adding his voice of assent in the fifth of the series of quotations below: While the movement to the East was taking place, the NKVD carried out mass arrests and executions, chiefly of Ukrainians - especially those who tried to avoid evacuation. In the jails most prisoners whose period of imprisonment was more than three years were shot; others were evacuated if possible. In several cities the NKVD burned prisons with prisoners in them. (Volodymyr Kubijovyc, editor, Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopaedia, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1963, Volume I, p. 878, Vsevolod Holubnychy and H. M. wrote this section) The Bolsheviks succeeded in annihilating some 10,000 political prisoners in Western Ukraine before and after the outbreak of hostilities (massacres took place in the prisons in Lviv, Zolochiv, Rivne, Dubno, Lutsk, etc.). (Volodymyr Kubijovyc, editor, Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopaedia, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, Volume 1, p. 886) Before fleeing the German advance the Soviet occupational regime murdered thousands of Ukrainian civilians, mainly members of the city's [Lviv's] intelligentsia. (Encyclopedia of Ukraine, Volume 3, p. 222) The Soviets' hurried retreat had tragic consequences for thousands of political prisoners in the jails of Western Ukraine. Unable to evacuate them in time, the NKVD slaughtered their prisoners en masse during the week of 22-29 June 1941, regardless of whether they were incarcerated for major or minor offenses. Major massacres occurred in Lviv, Sambir, and Stanyslaviv in Galicia, where about 10,000 prisoners died, and in Rivne and Lutsk in Volhynia, where another 5000 perished. Coming on the heels of the mass deportations and growing Soviet terror, these executions added greatly to the West Ukrainians' abhorrence of the Soviets. (Orest Subtelny, Ukraine: A History, 1994, p. 461) When the German attack came on 22 June the Soviets had no time to take with them the people they had locked up. So they simply killed them. Thousands of detainees were shot dead in their cells by the retreating Soviets. (Simon Wiesenthal, Justice Not Vengeance, 1989, p. 35) Right after the entry we were shown 2,400 dead bodies of Ukrainians liquidated with a shot at the scruff of the neck at the city jail of Lemberg [Lviv] by the Soviets prior to their marching off. (Hans Frank, In the Face of the Gallows, p. 406) In Lvov, several thousand prisoners had been held in three jails. When the Germans arrived on 29 June, the city stank, and the prisons were surrounded by terrified relatives. Unimaginable atrocities had occurred inside. The prisons looked like abattoirs. It had taken the NKVD a week to complete their gruesome task before they fled. (Gwyneth Hughes and Simon Welfare, Red Empire: The Forbidden History of the USSR, 1990, p. 133) We learned that, before the Russian troops had left, a very great number of Lemberg citizens, Ukrainians and Polish inhabitants of other towns and villages had been killed in this prison and in other prisons. Furthermore, there were many corpses of German men and officers, among them many Air Corps officers, and many of them were found mutilated. There was a great bitterness and excitement among the Lemberg population against the Jewish sector of the population. (Erwin Schulz, from May until 26 September, 1941 Commander of Einsatzkommando 5, a subunit of Einsatzgruppe C, in John Mendelsohn, editor, The Holocaust: Selected Documents in Eighteen Volumes, Garland, New York, 1982, Volume 18, p. 18) On the next day, Dr. RASCH informed us to the effect that the killed people in Lemberg amounted to about 5,000. It has been determined without any doubt that the arrests and killings had taken place under the leadership of Jewish functionaries and with the participation of the Jewish inhabitants of Lemberg. That was the reason why there was such an excitement against the Jewish population on the part of the Lemberg citizens. (Erwin Schulz, from May until 26 September, 1941 Commander of Einsatzkommando 5, a subunit of Einsatzgruppe C, in John Mendelsohn, editor, The Holocaust: Selected Documents in Eighteen Volumes, Garland, New York, 1982, Volume 18, p. 18) Chief of Einsatzgruppe B reports that Ukrainian insurrection movements were bloodily suppressed by the NKVD on June 25, 1941 in Lvov. About 3,000 were shot by NKVD. Prison burning. Hardly 20% of Ukrainian intelligentsia has remained. (Operational Situation Report USSR No. 10, July 2, 1941, in Yitzhak Arad, Shmuel Krakowski, and Shmuel Spector, The Einsatzgruppen Reports: Selections from the Dispatches of the Nazi Death Squads' Campaign Against the Jews July 1941-January 1943, Holocaust Library, New York, 1989, p. 2) Location: Lvov According to reliable information, the Russians, before withdrawing, shot 30,000 inhabitants. The corpses piled up and burned at the GPU prisons are dreadfully mutilated. The population is greatly excited: 1,000 Jews have already been forcefully gathered together. (Operational Situation Report USSR No. 11, July 3, 1941, in Yitzhak Arad, Shmuel Krakowski, and Shmuel Spector, The Einsatzgruppen Reports: Selections from the Dispatches of the Nazi Death Squads' Campaign Against the Jews July 1941-January 1943, Holocaust Library, New York, 1989, p. 4) Location: Zviahel (Novograd-Volynski) ... Before leaving, the Bolsheviks, together with the Jews, murdered several Ukrainians; as an excuse, they used the attempted Ukrainian uprising of June 25, 1941, which tried to free their prisoners. According to reliable information, about 20,000 Ukrainians have disappeared from Lvov, 80% of them belonging to the intelligentsia. The prisons in Lvov were crammed with the bodies of murdered Ukrainians. According to a moderate estimate, in Lvov alone 3-4,000 persons were either killed or deported. In Dobromil, 82 dead bodies were found, 4 of them Jews. The latter were former Bolsheviki informers who had been killed because of their complicity in this act. Near Dobromil an obsolete salt mine pit was discovered. It was completely filled with dead bodies. In the immediate neighborhood, there is a 6X15m mass grave. The number of those murdered in the Dobromil area is estimated to be approximately several hundred. In Sambor on June 26, 1941, about 400 Ukrainians were shot by the Bolsheviks. An additional 120 persons were murdered on June 27, 1941. The remaining 80 prisoners succeeded in overpowering the Soviet guards, and fled. ... As early as 1939, a larger number of Ukrainians was shot, and 1,500 Ukrainians as well as 500 Poles were deported to the east. Russians and Jews committed these murders in very cruel ways. Bestial mutilations were daily occurrences. Breasts of women and genitals of men were cut off. Jews have also nailed children to the wall and then murdered them. Killing was carried out by shots in the back of the neck. Hand grenades were frequently used for these murders. In Dobromil, women and men were killed with blows by a hammer used to stun cattle before slaughter. In many cases, the prisoners must have been tortured cruelly: bones were broken, etc. In Sambor, the prisoners were gagged and thus prevented from screaming during torture and murder. The Jews, some of whom also held official positions, in addition to their economic supremacy, and who served in the entire Bolshevik police, were always partners in these atrocities. Finally, it was established that seven [German] pilots who had been captured were murdered. Three of them were found in a Russian military hospital where they had been murdered in bed by shots in the abdomen. ... ... Prior to their withdrawal, the Bolsheviks shot 2,800 out of 4,000 Ukrainians imprisoned in the Lutsk prison. According to the statement of 19 Ukrainians who survived the slaughter with more or less serious injuries, the Jews again played a decisive part in the arrests and shooting. ... The investigations at Zlochev proved that the Russians, prior to their withdrawal, arrested and murdered indiscriminately a total of 700 Ukrainians, but, nevertheless, included the entire [local] Ukrainian intelligentsia. (Operational Situation Report USSR No. 24, July 16, 1941, in Yitzhak Arad, Shmuel Krakowski, and Shmuel Spector, The Einsatzgruppen Reports: Selections from the Dispatches of the Nazi Death Squads' Campaign Against the Jews July 1941-January 1943, Holocaust Library, New York, 1989, p. 29-33) Location: Pleskau [Pskov] ... The population is in general convinced that it is mostly the Jews who should be held responsible for the atrocities that are committed everywhere. ... As it was learned that the Russians before they left have either deported the Ukrainian intelligentsia, or executed them, that is, murdered them, it is assumed that in the last days before the retreat of the Russians, about 100 influential Ukrainians were murdered [in Pleskau]. So far the bodies have not been found - a search has been initiated. About 100-150 Ukrainians were murdered by the Russians in Kremenets. Some of these Ukrainians are said to have been thrown into cauldrons of boiling water. This has been deduced from the fact that the bodies were found without skin when they were exhumed. ... ... Before leaving Dubno, the Russians, as they had done in Lvov, committed extensive mass-murder. ... Before their flight [from Tarnopol], as in Lvov and Dubno, the Russians went on a rampage there. Disinterments revealed 10 bodies of German soldiers. Almost all of them had their hands tied behind their backs with wire. The bodies revealed traces of extremely cruel mutilations such as gouged eyes, severed tongues and limbs. The number of Ukrainians who were murdered by the Russians, among them women and children, is set finally at 600. Jews and Poles were spared by the Russians. The Ukrainians estimate the total number of [Tarnopol] victims since the occupation of the Ukraine by the Russians at about 2,000. The planned deportation of the Ukrainians already started in 1939. There is hardly a family in Tarnopol from which one or several members have not disappeared. ... The entire Ukrainian intelligentsia is destroyed. Since the beginning of the war, 160 members of the Ukrainian intelligentsia were either murdered or deported. Inhabitants of the town had observed a column of about 1,000 civilians driven out of town by police and army early in the morning of July 1, 1941. As in Lvov, torture chambers were discovered in the cellars of the Court of Justice. Apparently, hot and cold showers were also used here (as in Lemberg [Lviv]) for torture, as several bodies were found, totally naked, their skin burst and torn in many places. A grate was found in another room, made of wire and set above the ground about 1m in height, traces of ashes were found underneath. A Ukrainian engineer, who was also to be murdered but saved his life by smearing the blood of a dead victim over his face, reports that one could also hear screams of pain from women and girls. (Operational Situation Report USSR No. 28, July 20, 1941, in Yitzhak Arad, Shmuel Krakowski, and Shmuel Spector, The Einsatzgruppen Reports: Selections from the Dispatches of the Nazi Death Squads' Campaign Against the Jews July 1941-January 1943, Holocaust Library, New York, 1989, p.38-40) F. Fedorenko MY TESTIMONY When the bolsheviks retreated before the German onslaught in the Second World War they took care in advance not to leave any prisoners behind when the Germans arrived. The prisoners were driven, en masse, under heavy NKVD guard deep into Russia or Siberia, day and night. Many of them were so tired that they could go no further. These were shot without compunction where they fell. Terrible things happened then. Sometimes, wives recognized their husbands among the evacuees, as the prisoners were being driven through the villages. There was great despair when they saw their loved ones taken under the muzzles of automatic guns, to far, unknown places. The villagers took care of those who did not die at once from the NKVD bullets, but this was a very dangerous thing to do before all the bolsheviks cleared out. But the NKVD could not evacuate all the prisoners, there were so many arrests, and jails were replenished constantly. In such a case the NKVD, before making a hasty retreat, would murder the prisoners in their cells. I recall that when the Germans came, in the fall of 1941, to a little town, Chornobil, on the Prypyat River, 62 miles west of Kiev, 52 corpses of recently murdered people, slightly covered with earth, were found in the prison yeard. These corpses had their hands tied at the back with wire; some had their backs flayed, others had gouged eyes or nails driven into their heels; still others had their noses, ears, tongues and even genitals cut away. Instruments of torture which the communists used were found in the dungeon of the prison. Many of the tortured people were identified because they were mostly farmers from the local collectives who had been arrested by the NKVD for some unknown reason. For instance, one girl (whose name I cannot recall now) from the village of Zallissya, a mile and a quarter from Chornobil, was arrested because one day she failed to go to dig trenches. All were compelled at that time, to dig anti-tank trenches. The girl was sick but there was no doctor to examine her and the NKVD arrested her, never to return. Two days later, when the Germans arrived, she was found among the fifty-two corpses. (F. Fedorenko, My Testimony, in The Black Deeds of the Kremlin: A White Book, Ukrainian Association of Victims of Russian Communist Terror, Toronto, 1953, pp. 97-98) Andriy Vodopyan CRIME IN STALINE In this ciy in the NKVD prison factory the communists executed 180 persons and buried them in two holes dug in the prison yard. The corpses were liberally treated with unslaked lime, especially the faces. My brother was sentenced to three months in jail for coming late to work. After serving 18 days in the factory prison he was set free, and a month later was drafted to the Red Army because this was in July 1941. Later, his wife and my mother found him among the corpses, identifying him by the left hand finger, underwear and papers he had on him. This atrocity came to light when prisoners who remained alive were liberated. They had also a very close call. Six days before the arrival of the German troops they heard muffled shots. The prison was secretly mined by NKVD agents in preparation for the German invaders. (Andriy Vodopyan, Crime in Staline, in The Black Deeds of the Kremlin: A White Book, Ukrainian Association of Victims of Russian Communist Terror, Toronto, 1953, p. 121) Yuriy Dniprovy INNOCENT VICTIMS In the little town of Zolotnyky in the Ternopil region the bolsheviks murdered a captain of the former Ukrainian Galician Army (UHA) of 1918-1922, Mr. Dankiw, and clerks of the Ukrainian cooperative store, the sisters Magdalene, Sophia and Clementine Husar from the suburb of Vaha. Clementine and Magdalene were tortured in a beastly manner and had their breats cut off. Other people executed at that time were: Slavko Demyd, Yosyp Vozny, Vasyl Burbela, Zynoviy Kushniryna, Pavlo Kushniryna and a non-commissioned officer of the UHA, Mr. Tsiholsky. (Yuriy Dniprovy, Innocent Victims, in The Black Deeds of the Kremlin: A White Book, Ukrainian Association of Victims of Russian Communist Terror, Toronto, 1953, p. 122) P. K. THE INFERNAL DEVICE OF THE RUSSIAN COMMUNISTS (By an eyewitness) In the year 1942, when the Red Army, harassed by the German divisions, retreated from Katerynodar (Krasnodar), the regional NKVD division evacuated all the prisoners and sent them in the direction of Novorossiysk. The railway line between Katerynodar and the station of Krymska was jammed by nearly two hundred freight boxcars filled to capacity with political prisoners. Suspecting that all these prisoners might fall into German hands the Russian NKVD men, as a precautionary measure, poured gasoline on the cars and let them burn. Thus a few thousand people perished in inhuman torture merely because they were suspected of anti-communism. When the Germans entered Katerynodar they found in the regional divisional building of the NKVD in Sinny Bazar, a horrible torture chamber. In the vault of this building there was a dark passage which ended with a wooden platform which dipped down at a sharp angle. Right underneath it there was a machine which resembled a straw chopper. It was a disk equipped with a system of big knives that revolved at great speed. It was powered by a motor. After questioning, the innocent victims were driven by the NKVD agents towards the wooden platform and rolled under the knives of the hellish meatchopper. The chopped bones and flesh of the victims fell into the sewers and were carried away with a stream of sewage into the r